Ambedkar In The Times Of Hindutva | S. Anand

Ambedkar In The Times Of Hindutva | S. Anand

Five dalits are lynched by a Hindu mob. Their alleged crime: skinning a cow. The reporters and analysts who express shock and outrage do not go beyond stating that the dalits were doing what they have been traditionally doing: selling the dead cow's hide to make a living. There are few who want to explore the historical relationship between the cow, the brahmin and the origins of untouchability.

 The caste Hindu common sense is that eating beef is a taboo for the Hindus. The common sense also takes untouchability for granted, as something sanatan (permanent, eternal). For the Hindus, the cow is sacred. And what is daubed with sacredness is beyond the pale of argument. Then what about those who eat beef, the dalits? Are they Hindus? When did they start eating beef? Why did the brahmins for whom every day was probably a beef-steak day in the vedic period give up beef and meat altogether?

In 1948 Bhim Rao Ambedkar sought some serious answers to these and other questions, answers which have been neglected by the mainstream academia and intelligentsia. Here, we present the answers that Ambedkar sought in a context where at one end (Tamil Nadu) dalits today are being forced to eat shit and drink urine, and at another (Haryana) dalits are being forced to pay with their lives for doing what they have been condemned to do - eat the meat of the dead cow and use its skin for making leather products. Ambedkar In The Times Of Hindutva | S. Anand

The Grammar Of Anarchy | B.R. Ambedkar

The Grammar Of Anarchy | B.R. Ambedkar

Excerpts from the Constituent Assembly speech by Dr B.R. Ambedkar on Friday, the 25th November, 1949. Read the full speech here
... I feel, however good a Constitution may be, it is sure to turn out bad because those who are called to work it, happen to be a bad lot. However bad a Constitution may be, it may turn out to be good if those who are called to work it, happen to be a good lot. The working of a Constitution does not depend wholly upon the nature of the Constitution. The Constitution can provide only the organs of State such as the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary. The factors on which the working of those organs of the State depend are the people and the political parties they will set up as their instruments to carry out their wishes and their politics. Who can say how the people of India and their purposes or will they prefer revolutionary methods of achieving them? If they adopt the revolutionary methods, however good the Constitution may be, it requires no prophet to say that it will fail. It is, therefore, futile to pass any judgement upon the Constitution without reference to the part which the people and their parties are likely to play.

... my mind is so full of the future of our country that I feel I ought to take this occasion to give expression to some of my reflections thereon. On 26^th January 1950, India will be an independent country (Cheers). What would happen to her independence? Will she maintain her independence or will she lose it again? This is the first thought that comes to my mind. It is not that India was never an independent country. The point is that she once lost the independence she had. Will she lost it a second time? It is this thought which makes me most anxious for the future. What perturbs me greatly is the fact that not only India has once before lost her independence, but she lost it by the infidelity and treachery of some of her own people. In the invasion of Sind by Mahommed-Bin-Kasim, the military commanders of King Dahar accepted bribes from the agents of Mahommed-Bin-Kasim and refused to fight on the side of their King. It was Jaichand who invited Mahommed Gohri to invade India and fight against Prithvi Raj and promised him the help of himself and the Solanki Kings. When Shivaji was fighting for the liberation of Hindus, the other Maratha noblemen and the Rajput Kings were fighting the battle on the side of Moghul Emperors. When the British were trying to destroy the Sikh Rulers, Gulab Singh, their principal commander sat silent and did not help to save the Sikh Kingdom. In 1857, when a large part of India had declared a war of independence against the British, the Sikhs stood and watched the event as silent spectators. The Grammar Of Anarchy | B.R. Ambedkar

Private and Public Slaves – Ravikumar.

Ravikumar

In a contest where dalit writing is being equated only with autobiography, we present here in book from notes written by B R Ambedkar,which have the characteristics of autobiographical writings. In multi volume writings and speeches of Babasaheb Ambedkar edited by Vasant Moon, these writings can be found in Volume 12, under the title ‘Waiting for a Visa’. The connection between the title and the six autobiographical ‘illustrations’ – as Ambedkar calls them – is not clear. Perhaps, Ambedkar indented adding more to this body of writing but eventually could not. All that the editorial note by Moon says is: “Here are some of the reminiscences drawn by Dr. Ambedkar in his own handwriting. The MSS traced in the collection of the People’s Education Society were published by the society as a booklet on 19^th March 1990. – ed.” If these are some reminiscences, were there more? What Visa was Ambedkar waiting for? We can, however, gather frome the content that Ambedkar wrote at least a few of these available notes in 1935. In the second reminiscences, he refers to his return from London to work in Baroda in 1917. towards the end of this section, he recalls that “18 years has not succeeded in fading away” the memory of the incidence of untouchability he experienced in the Parsi inn. The last ‘illustration’ refers to an incident that happened in march 1938, and must have been written well after that. It is clear that Ambedkar jotted down several such ‘illustrations’ over the years, and perhaps many have been lost. In this edition, we have given separate titles to each episode that Ambedkar recalls, instead of numbering them as in the original.

Though Ambedkar’s works are available volumes, and despite the availability of biography by Dananjay Keer (Dr.Ambedkar: Life and Mission, 1954), and two feature films on the man (Jabbar Patel’s Babasaheb Ambedkar in Hindi, 2000; and Dr Padmavathi-Bharath’s Ambedkar in Telugu, 1992), we learn very title about this personal life. What we know of Ambedkar pertains solely to his public life, his public self. Other than occasional reference to his poor helth in his writings, speeches and letters, it has not been possible for us to know anything about the sorrows and joys that came his way. How was his marital life; what was the nature of his relationship with his son; the kind of friendships he had – we know little about these.

Ambedkar emphasized the role of the individual in society. He was someone who waged a hard battle during the drafting of the Indian Constitution to centralize the individual in its frame work. He also accepted the contribution of the individual to the making of history. However he did not leave behind anything his writing for us to understand and approach him as an individual.

The issues that confront dalits can be understood through the binary of the public and the private. The public has come to connote things and space which are inaccessible for the dalits. Common wells, public roads and cremation grounds are space denied to dalits. If a dalit does well in the open competition of an entrance exam, she is often slotted in the reserved category. In electoral politics, a dalit is not expected to contest from a general constituency. Whatever the law – ironically drafted by Ambedkar – says, this is the reality.

The purpose of Hindu politics has been to restrict and relegate dalits to the ‘reserved’ sectors. The dalits have to defy such social strictures to enter the public sphere. This is a difficult process. Even as we infiltrate these common spaces, we need to retain our singularity, individuality. The process is a problematic as the state of mind of a dalit person who has o make sure he does not touch any other person in the village and also remain untouched by others, and yet is forced to consider the village as his own (‘native place’). In this struggle, there is pressure on dalits to merge the specificities of their selfhood into the collective identity of the (dalit) community.

In the struggle that let to his emergence as the spokesperson and symbol of a community, Ambedkar’s personality has merged into a larger collective, public self. Only when a comprehensive biography is written can Ambedkar’s individual self be reclaimed. The several facts of his personality, if collected, could also be useful for the dalit struggle.

These autobiographical notes, written with the objective of enabling foreigners to understand the practice of untouchability, are relevant even today. The atrocities and the justices continue, and so does the indifference.

To think that one could eradicate untouchability while remaining within Hinduism is similar to the attempt to clean sewage with ditchwater. How long will we resist the clear water of democracy?

Ravikumar

Pondichery

!5 October 2003.

Courtesy: Ravikumar, ‘AMBEDKAR an Autobiographical Notes’,‘NAVAYANA’ Publications.

"India Untouched" Very pathetic: I Santhakumar

Today at 11am on 8th July,my daughter Nikhila telephoned me from Chennai and told me that a discussion on untouchability is going on in Vijay TV in which she has seen Balwant Singh.The program is titled 'Sathiyamevajayathe'anchored by Hindi film actor Amirkhan.Immediately I tuned the channel to Vijay. A lot of on the spot evidences are shown to prove that untouchability is still existing in India though it is banned by law.One film named 'India untouched' has screened all the details in cities and villages.The boys are not sent to school because they have to clean the toilet and they were served noon meal separately.Balwant Singh a family friend from Saharanpur who travelled length and breadth of India had depicted the incidences black and white in his several books.
Very recently I read a book 'Economic Discrimination' by Thorat published by Oxford.The transition from exploitation to exclution of dalits are described in detail.It can be explained as modern type of untouchability.
 

Some years back I had come across a matrimonial column in the Hindu news paper.One gentle man  put his demand as follows,"suitable alliance from parents are invited,caste no bar,excuse scheduled castes,tribes".What a shameful notice! This does not come under the purview of inter caste marriage since it is limiting the castes of his choice.It is really a humiliation to the dalits .How did inter caste marriage exist if such pseudo- radicalism is followed? I had given the news paper to Dr.Dharam Veer IAS.He made a touching article about this and published.
 

Very often it is bragged that India is marching ahead as a developing country and turning in to a world power.But nobody knows that 60% of us are in below poverty line.Zamindari system still exists.Asset is building up with a very few.Rich is becoming richer and the poor is becoming poorer.The theocratic feudal system pervades.People are entrapped in religious customs and traditions which even questioning the Constitution and the integrity of the country.But we again brag that our unity is in diversity.Actually we don't have unity but diversity.Nearly one third of the people are not treated as human being,they don't have the freedom of even the cattle.Minimum requirement for human existence are blatantly denied.Some times this will be the only country in the world having this type of draconian heritage being imposed on the aboriginals. It is quite incredible and amazing that the same country was having the highest position of the country-The President of India-the supreme commander of India,and the Chief Justice of India-the judicial head belonging to the so called untouchable community.Now we are having the head of law making body-Loksabha Speaker,belonging to dalit.In a democratic country,the executive,judiciary and legislature are the main pillars of governance.Therefore it is very pathetic that even after attaining the highest positions the same community has not been salvaged.The highly populated state out of 28 states in India ie.20crores,UP was governed by Mayawathi-a dalit,four times,but untouchability not wiped out.There are 131 Members of Parliament out of 543(Lok sabha),thousands of MLAs in the State Assemblies,more the 6 lakhs elected representatives in the local bodies,Doctors,Engineers,Chief Executives,IAS,IPS officers and other Officers are belonging to this community.Even after attaining all these prestigious positions,why this community is in pathetic condition? what are their commitments to their brethren?This has to be examined meticulously in Indian context.
Jagajeevan Ram congress leader was union minister for several times,but he was having separate mud  pot and glass for drinking water in his office. He being Union Minister had unveiled a statue in UP which was purified by the people later on as his action polluted the statue.In the first Loksabha a Bangi ie scavenging community member happened to be a member of Parliament.Jawaharlal Nehru the first Prime minister knew that nobody would sit in the Sabha along with him as he belonged to a scavanging community,on the basis of mass complaint from other elected members.So his community name was changed as Balmiki,and propagated that the member belonged to a great community of Valmiki who wrote Ramayana,the problem was solved.Thus the Bangi community began to worship Valmiki as their god and to construct temples of Valmiki.There are a lot of very amusing and amazing instances regarding the practice of untouchability in lowest and highest heirarchies in society.It requires bundles of papers to describe.
 

Casteism is rooted very deeply in Indian society.It is a general opinion that it exists in Hinduism only.It is a wrong notion.It exists in all religions,in Christianity,Sikh,Islam,and even in Buddhism.There are separate churches,temples mosques,grave yards for dalits.They are treated as untouchables every where. Dr.Ambedkhar is the only intellectual who studied the system in detail in India and proposed a solution.He appropriated the Buddhism in such a way so as to attract the dalits and declared that Buddhisn is the only solution to get rid of from the casteism.But the movement he launched has not made any impact among the dalits which may be due to his unexpected death after embracing Buddhism.
 

It is very pathetic,very pathetic,because dalits are in double jeopardy.They are treated as inhuman and on the other hand they are denied of their livelihood.They are not having any movable and immovable properties.Their savings,investment and economic activities are nil.In Kerala the total population of dalits including Adivasis would come to 35 lakhs.Scheduled castes constitute less than 30 lakhs and Scheduled tribes 5 lakhs.Total no.of families are 56,43,29 and 10,79,65 respectively.

The total land in possession of SC is 60061 acres.The average land holding per family of SC is 10 cents, out of more than 26 lakh hecters of total cropped  area of the State. (Total geographical area of the state is 38.86 hecters).It means that the per family land holding is not at all sufficient for minimum lively hood of a family.It is very often bragged that the land reforms implemented had abolished the feudal system and the slogan "land to the tiller" had been achieved.The slogan still remains un achieved.What a pathetic condition?This is the reason why the dead bodies are buried inside the houses for want of sufficient land in their dwellings.Kerala is not God's own country but devil's own country.
 

In Tamilnad,a neighboring state of Kerala, untouchability is in very severe condition though the state is ruled by two major Dravidian parties alternately for more than four decades since 1967.Ironically,these parties claim to be rationalistic in outlook and swear by emancipation of poor.A Madurai based non -governmental organisation has found out that 135 types of untouchability existing in Tamilnad.85% of the villages are experiencing untouchability.136 reserved Panchayat Presidents are there,but 84% are still left un filled,it means that caste Panchayats instead of political Panchayats are there.No Panchayat Presidents are allowed to hoist national flag in independence day.Even if the  meeting is held in the Panchayat building, Dalit President is not allowed to sit along with others.The students are un willing to go to the schools due to ill treatment.They are given meals separately,in classes they provided seats away from others,menial jobs are entrusted with them.In the village the dalits are not allowed to walk with chappals,they cannot ride a cycle,they are amenable to the whims and fancies of the upper castes.In hotels they have to sit on grounds,double trumpler system is followed,they are given tea in vessls made up of leaves.The drainage is opened to their dwelling areas,which causes contageous diseases to them.In hospitals the doctors and other staff would never touch them.The villages of dalits are separated by walls in several places.In Uthampuram near Madura the wall was partially demolished by CPM cadres and a path way was constructed.The path way was named as Prakash Karat road.There is a strong untouchability eradication movement led by CPM.As per our Constitution the practice of untouchability is banned as per article 17.The central govt.had enacted legislation for initiating stringent action against the person who practice untouchability.The agrieved party need sent a complaint to the Circle Inspector of police.The burden of proof rests with the accused.There are provisions for legal help from govt.It is the duty of the government to give all protection.If any death takes place immediate relief of Rupees one lakh should be given by government to the heirs.Govt.job should also be given to the heirs.There are so many relief measures extended through"The scheduled castes and scheduled tribes(prevention of atrocities)Act,1989".Distric,State and Central level statutory monitoring committees are there.Chief Ministers are the chairman of the committees consisting of dalit MLAs.Who bothers or who cares all these orders.The caste ridden theocratic feudal system surpasses all rules and regulations in our so called democratic system.Are we really having a democratic system?
Out of a total no.of 8.32 lakhs working class among dalits in Kerala,6.53 lakhs are cooly labourers in Agriculture and other allied sectors.Govt.job for them is only 51000.One can very easily imagine the pathetic condition of them as they are unapproachable to private sectors where their representation is zero.It is another interesting that no body knows the total land holding of tribes because the land as per records are not actually  in possession by them.Terrible encroachment by others is still a menace to them and their survival.The condition of them are more pathetic than the SCs.
 

The Dalits are the makers of the country.Their brain and brawn made the land cultivable,transportable and navigable.The present work participation of them is above 60%. It might be 100%years back.There fore they are eligible for at least the proportionate share of the asset of the country,either movable or immovable.But they are given pittance as alms, as their grievances are treated as cringe.A new sphere of activity in their demands has to be resorted to in these peculiar conditions.
The statistical details given above are as per the study conducted by a Govt.agency recently and the Economic Review of govt 2011.All are shedding crocodile tears with out bothering these statistics or deliberately ignoring as it is not their concern.Really very pathetic.

Dalits and social Justice - Ram Puniyani

Dr.Ram Puniyani

Religion and politics have become extremely interviewed in India, Indeed, one could say that what is being witnessed is right-wing politics of the majority community, the Hindus, in the name of religion. Currently the term that is used to describe these phenomena is Hindutva, and it has held sway over society since the last two decades. It aims to stifle the democratic liberal space, and to impose a short of status quo in societal relations. It projects itself as a savior of Hindu society, making us believe in exists to save the nation from internal and external enemies. This then is the politics of nation building.

The rise of Hindutva began since the 1980s, when the presence of dalits and woman in society came into focus. Its first political expression came in the form of the anti-reservation riots in Gujarat, gaining momentum in the wake of the Mandal Commission’s recommendations coming into face. It is against the interests of the Hindutva ideologues to let caste and gender relations revolve.

There were major social reform movements challenging the severe social, economical and political oppression of dalits, led by leaders like Phule, Periyar and Ambedkar, which received a boost when industrialization took off India. India’s independence, the rights laid down in its Constitution, and its industrialization allowed dalits to move out of their traditional occupation and habitations and enter never vistas of society. New opportunities in education – reserving seats in academic institutes, job quotas and electoral constituencies – ensured that a section of dalits would gain and become ‘equal’ to others. It is not that these processes were not sabotaged from within the system., All the same, a sort of slow revolution shook society. The policies of Jawaharlal Nehru and the principles of B R Ambedkar ensured this transition came to the fore.

Many viewed the changes in status of dalits unfavorably. The rise of the affluent middle classes in cities and small towns, added a new twist to this opposition. Religiously formed the base of this reaction: Yatras, Jai Matadi, a type of religiously around mother worship, more popular in north India, visit to Hindu pilgrimage sites like Vaishno Devi and Thirupati, started assuming an importance not seen in the first three decades since India’s Independence. The response to the Mandal Commission was most certainly aimed at showing the lower castes/classes their place in society. Hindutva primarily is a club of the moneyed and upper – caste people who use the opium of religion to draw the unemployed and the deprived into their fold. The social issues that matter are forgotten while employee/mosque came to the fore, and in the way of social progress, which is the bace of dalits’ liberation, which is thus halted.

While grappling with the issues pertaining to religious fascism, I did realize that primarily the exponents of Hindutva wanted to ensure the status quo of social relations, rather than attack the minorities. They want the dalits, adivasis and laboring classes to remain subjugated. The idea is to restore the traditional structural hierarchy of caste and gender. I realized that the caste issues which failed to get resolved, persisted in modified forms. Most of the chapters of this book were written as response to the onslaught of Hindutva ideologues., their subtle ways of glorifying and retaining the caste equations under more attractive labels. Hindutva ideologies have been multifarious in their approach. Sometimes they are blatant and assertive, sometimes subtle and persuasive, changing their stance according to political climate. Their political agenda remains the same irrespective of the ruling government. Many of their assertions have changed according with the change government ruling at the center. The electoral politics in a way has forced the Hindutva/RSS formation and more so the BJP to talk in the language of which apparently talks about development and issue of poor. It also does take up few issues related to price rise also. But at core it still revels in taking up identity issues . The one’s like Tipu Sultan’s legacy, Baba Budan Giri in Karnatakas, Bhojshala Maula Masjid in MP and one’s related to  Vande Matram, terrorism all over. Terrorism is a good arsenal in the BJP arsenal lately. The myth that all terrorists are Muslims had broadly been percolated with the result that it is enough to say that we want to deal with terrorists firmly and that may act as an intimidating signal to minorities and a focus of consolidation for sections of Hindus.

The book - Dalits and social Justice – is sequel to our earlier effort, Communal Politics-A Illustrated Primer, and a similar wavelength. It is meant to introduce the reader to all the aspects of social justice in as simple a way as possible. Also we understand that the Indian democracy cannot be protected without the dailits, workers, woman and adivasis coming together to fight for economic, social and gender justice.

Meena Kandasamy, Milind Bhavar, Dilip Sieon, Sudhanva Deshpande, Pradeep Deshpande and Satyakam Hoshi have helped me immensily in putting this book together. I owe a debt of gratitude to KP Sasi, some of whose illustrations I have used in this book, also Kali Sengupta and Arun Inamdar did some illustrations, especially for this book.

From the preface of the book, Dalits and Social Justice, written by Dr. Ram Puniyani. He was teaching in IIT Mumbai till 2004, when he took voluntary retirement. Is associated with various secular initiatives and has been part of various investigation reports on violation of human rights of minorities. Has been conducting workshop in different parts of the country on the themes related to, threats to democracy; the agenda of communal politics; myths about minorities and politics of terror. Contributes a fortnightly article in e bulletin, Issues in Secular Politics, has written several books. In recipient of Maharashtra Foundation, Association for Communal Harmony and Fr, Machio Memorial Humanitarian awards.

Can be contacted at ; ram.puniyani@gmail.com, web:pluralindia.com

The book is published by Mythri Books thiruvanamthapuram. E-mail: mythribooks@gmail.com

Mahatma Jotirao Phule - Tarkateertha Laxmanshastri Joshi.

Mahatma Jotirao Phule was well-known social reformer of Maharashtra in the nineteenth century. He worked ceaselessiy for education of the woman and the Dalits, for upliftment of the underprivileged and the downtrodden, and the reform of the Indian social structure. He was revolutionary in his thinking and is a constant source of inspiration for the new generation of intellectuals.

1990 was the death centenary year of Mahatma Jotirao Phule, 1991 was the birth
centenary year of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar—the two great men who died to free the
Hindus from the curse of caste ism

.Jotirao’s offensive against Hinduism, especially the Brahmin-dominated Hindu social
system and culture, was in sharp reaction to a particular historical, social and political
situation. There is no doubt that it was justified. Towards the end of the Peshwa regime
and the subsequent British rule, the importance of Brahmins increased in Maharashtra
and social inequality became more pronounced, causing much concern to other reformers
too, like Lokahitavadi, M.G. Ranade, Agarkar and Tilak.

After Jotirao’s death the Satyashodhak movement in Maharashtra was reduced to a
Brahmin versus non-Brahmin conflict. Much of Jotirao’s rationalism and belief in
universal brotherhood was lost. In the post-Independence era, while democracy has been
transferred into power in the hands of non-Brahmins, the threat of inter-religious conflicts
looms large. Jotirao’s ideology can diffuse this potential danger. His message that truthful
(righteous) conduct is the only true religion stands as a powerful guiding light for all.

Among everything that has been written about Mahatma Jotirao Phule so far,
Tarkateertha Laxmanshastri Joshi’s essay Jotinibandha holds pride of place. This little
booklet, published in 1947 by the Pradnya Pathshala of Wari, has also been included
here.

Tarkateertha Laxmanshastri Joshi was a well-known Sanskrit and Marathi scholar and
writer. He has written books such as Vedic Sanskruticha Vikas (Evolution of Vedic
Society) and Hindu Dharamchi Samiksha (A Critique of Hinduism) besides editing the Dharmakosha (Encyclopaedia of Hindu Religion) in Sanskrit and the Vishvakosha
(World Encyclopaedia) in Marathi. He was awarded the Padma Vibhushan for his
literary contributions.

Translator
DAYA AGARWAL  

Buddha and His Dhamma - Dr. B R Ambedkar.

Indications of a growth in the volume of interest in Buddhism are noticeable is some sections of the Indian people . Along with it there is naturally a growing demand for a clear and consistent statement of the life and teachings of the Buddha.

Anyone who is not a Buddhist find it extremely difficult to present the life and Teaching of the Buddha in a manner which would make it a consistent whole. depending on the Nikayas, not only the presentation of a consistent story of the life of the Buddha becomes a difficult thing and the presentation of some parts of his teachings becomes much more so. Indeed it would not be an exaggeration to say that of all the founders of religions in the world the presentation of the life and teachings of the founder of Buddhism presents a problem which is quit puzzling if not baffling. It is not necessary that these problems should be solved and the path for the understanding of Buddhism be made clear? Is it not time that those who are Buddhist should take up these problems at least for general discussion and throw that light they can on these problems?

With a view to raise the discussion on these problems I propose to set them out here. The first problem relates to the main event in the life of the Buddha, namely, Parivraja. Why did the Buddha take Parivraja ? The traditional answer is that he took Parivraja because he saw a dead person, a sick person and an old person. the answer is absurd on the face of it. The Buddha Parivraja at the age of 29. If he took Parivraja as a result of these three sights, how is it he did not see these three sight earlier ? These are common events occurring by hundreds and the Buddha could not have failed to come across them earlier. It is impossible to accept the traditional explanation is not plausible and does not appeal to reason But if this is not the answer to the question, what is the real answer.

The second problems is created by the four Aryan truths. Do they from part of the original teachings of the Buddha ? The formula cuts at the root of Buddhism. If life is sorrow, death is sorrow and rebirth is sorrow, then there is an end of everything. Neither religion nor philosophy can help a man to achieve happiness in the world. If there is no escape from sorrow, then what can religion do, what can Buddha do to relieve man from such sorrow which is ever there in birth itself ? The four Aryan truths are a great stumbling block in the way of non-Buddhist accepting the gospel of Buddhism. For the four Aryan truths deny hop to man. The four Aryan truth make the gospel of Buddha a gospel of pessimism.  Do they from the part of the original gospel or are they a later accretion by the monks ?

The third problem relate the doctrines of soul, of karma and rebirth. The Buddha denied the existence of the soul. But he is also said to have affirmed the doctrine of karma and rebirth. At once a question arises. If there is no soul, how can there be rebirth ? These are baffling questions. In what sense did the Buddha use the words karma and rebirth ? did use them in a different sense in which they were used by the Brahmins of his day ? If so, in what sense ? Did he use them in the same sense in which Brahmins used them ? If so, is there is not a terrible contradiction between the denial of the soul and the affirmation of karma and rebirth ? This contradiction need to be resolved.

The fourth problem relates the Bhikkhu. What was the object of the Buddha in creating the Bhikkhu ? Was the object to create a perfect man? Or was his object to create a social servant devoting his life to  service of the people and being their friend, guide and philosopher ? This is a very real question. On its depends the future of Buddhism. If the Bhikkhu is only a perfect man he is of no use to the propagation of Buddhism because through a perfect man he is a selfish man. If, on another hand, he is a social servant he may prove to be the hope of Buddhism. This Question must be decided not so much in the interest of doctrinal consistency but in the interest of the future of Buddhism.

If I may say so, the pages of the journal of the Mahabodhi Society make, to me at my rate, dull reading. This is not because the materiel presented is not interesting and instructive. The dullness is due to the fact that it seems to fall upon a passive set of readers. After reading an article, one like to know what the reader of the journal has to say about it. But reader never gives out his reaction. This silence on the part of the reader is a great discouragement to the writer. I hope my questions will excite the readers to come and make their contribution to their solution